In chapter one of Sweetness and Power, the discussion
highlights themes of global diversity and the similarity of humans based off elaborations of, not only the foods that people consume, but
equally, the importance of how they are consumed. We are a species that thrives on cultural structures
and developments. On page 4, Sidney Mintz mentions Robertson Smith who studied
the social aspect of eating, bringing up this concept of ‘breaking bread.’ I
found Lorna Marshall's description of the !Kung's eating style a strong example
of the social side to eating. Marshall reports that the !Kung gave away their
prized meat once they successfully hunted it,
making it seemingly more important to give back to their community
before themselves. I think it is interesting to compare to our own society
today and see in what ways social eating has developed. Marshall mentions that
"the idea of eating alone and not sharing" made the !Kung
"shriek with an uneasy laughter." In this hunter-gatherer community
and lifestyle "breaking of bread" was wholly important, almost the
fundamental purpose of eating besides nutritional survival itself. The !Kungs’
experience of sharing meat was “a natural occasion to discover who one was, how
one was related to others, and what that entailed.” To some extent in the
United States we have overcome that, food becoming about pleasure, through fats
and sugars, and about survival- community relationships completely left behind.
Sugar
went from being an unknown substance to a common food of English nobility
within about 700 years. Sugar soon became “nearly one-fifth of the calories in
the English diet,” by the 20th century. Mintz goes on to make the
very valid point that “when unfamiliar substances are taken up by new users,
they enter into pre-existing social and psychological contexts and acquire—or
are give – contextual meanings by those who use them.” This statement argues
that the consumption of sugar did not just relate to personal preference for
the taste, but rather represented a greater social significance. Sugar is in
this sense a perfect example of diet being a group quality not an individual
one, once again tying consumption to a social experience. Sugar for the English
fit itself into society through the common intake of tea and coffee, an already
quite social practice. Once sugar was established as a product of the upper
class, a foreign and exotic good, the demand began to spread and trickle
downward to the lower classes with comparably plain diets.
The other part of this
chapter that really stood out to me Audrey Richards account of the Southern
Bantu people. The book points out the concept of a ‘preferred starch’ and the
preference for Ubwali as the one main and traditional dish of the Bemba people,
contributing to this idea of a consistently plain diet. This reminds me exactly
of my experience with the Nepali people and their affinity for Dal Bhat. Just
in the way that the Bemba feel as though they have not eaten without having
eaten Ubwali, or "do not like to mix their foods" the Nepalese people
do not like to mix up their diets, or go a day without Dal Bhat. Boiled or
steamed white rice mounds plates in Nepal and is covered with a soupy lentil
and vegetable mixture, acting similarly to the relish of the Bemba.
It is also interesting to
put this in context of the Aggrandizer Hypothesis, where the entire foundation
of food production rested on the social desire to "feast" and build
relationship with surrounding community groups. While yes, eating alone has
transformed through the industrial revolution and the emergence of full day
jobs at the office, it is still viewed as awkward in many contexts. For example,
just a few years back, I would often eat in the dining halls alone. I went
whenever I had time and was hungry. Multiple times I received pitying looks,
and on multiple occasions I was even invited to sit among a group of (to me)
perfect strangers. In this way, I believe eating is still very much a social
experience, just as the !Kung view it. People expect people to share meals with
family or friends, an aspect of society that simply isn’t a modern reality.
Back in the 1600’s, however, sugar lent itself perfectly to the
promotion of a culture. The practice of social consumption only expanded with
the commonality of sugar, and sugar was only economically demanded due to the
preference and high intake. The English consumed more and more sugar at the
rate that more and more Caribbean colonial empires could produce it. The taste
for sweetness grew overtime in England, as sugar availability increased and
dispersed across demographics. To some extent is is proven that there exists a
human biological likeness for sweetness, and yet this can be complimented and
reinforced through culture and society. When sugary dishes became standard in
British celebrations and social events, they were encouraged more and more as a
way to present the hosts as well off, further increasing this need for more and
more of it, perhaps more to make a social statement than to assist the taste of
a meal.
It is fascinating the nutritional as well as social role that a single
food product can have on lives globally. With a "human liking for
sweetness" humans have maneuvered violent and corrupt ways to ensure the
regularity of this once delicacy. Was it only colonialism, and in turn slavery,
that allowed sugar to become a global phenomenon or would our search for
nutrition and a genetic predisposition from a survival standpoint have led us
there eventually? Eating
is a social act with preference and meaning, so the question here is- sugar: nature or nurture?
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