What surprised me most about the sugar production was the effort
necessary to produce such an in demand good, “Once planted, the cane sprouts
and with adequate heat and moisture may grow an inch a day for six weeks. It
becomes ripe- and reaches the optimum condition for extraction- in a dry season
after anywhere from nine to eighteen months. ‘Ratoon’ cane… is normally cut
about every twelve months. Seed cane cuttings in the tropics take longer to
reach maturity. In all cases cane must be cut when ready so as not to lose its juice…
and once it is cut, the juice must be rapidly extract to avoid rot…” (pg. 21)
For such a complex process one would expect an increase in
technological advances to parallel the growing request for the product; yet from
the seventeenth century to the nineteenth century, “…sugar production grew
steadily, as more westerners consumed sugar and each consumer used it more
heavily. Yet technological changes in the field, in grinding, and even in
refining itself were relatively minor. Generally speaking, the enlarged market
for sugar was satisfied by a steady extension of production rather than by
sharp increases in yield per acre of land or ton of cane, or in productivity
per worker.” (page 35).
Thus my opinion regarding the need for slavery during the uprising
of sugar fame throughout the world. The level of energy and labor needed to
keep up with European demands outweighed paid labor, or every free labor, a
concept I am unsure about: “Slaves were decidedly important, perhaps crucial;
but a substantial amount of the labor was actually done by free wage earners
paid partly in kind- some of them specialists, others temporary laborers.” 32
The passage continues to explain that although this sounds odd, it
wasn’t as uncommon as one might believe. How could a system survive on free
wage earners? What provoked “The Canarian system” to have equal sharing of
produce between owners and workers? Such an idea seems unrealistic in today’s
society and standards. I’m quite confused with this concept in general but
intrigued all the same.
Nevertheless, a large workforce was still necessary to attend to
the difficult process, a demand difficult that became difficult to fill: “…The
prices of labor-costly goods like sugar rose after the Black Death. Indeed, in
(Galloway’s) opinion, it was the expanded use of slave labor to compensate for
plague-connected morality that initiated the strange and enduring relationship
between sugar and slavery: ‘The link between sugar cultivation and slavery
which was to last until the nineteenth century became firmly foraged in Crete,
Cyprus, and Morocco.’” (page 29)
Along with this, the “…rapid destruction of the indigenous
Arawakan-speaking Taino Indians of Santo Domingo had left too little manpower
even for the gold mines, let alone for the experimental sugar plantations… By
1509, enslaved Africans were being imported to work the royal mines; others
soon followed to power the sugar industry.” This passage especially put the
importance of sugar into perspective for me. By divvying up their limited resources,
sugar must be significantly vital to the market, or at least to the players of
power. With only a small portion of labor available, and most attending to the
ROYAL mines, I am very surprised sugar was put at a close second. This is
implying the value of sugar is equally as beneficial to royalty as actual gold
itself, which I find difficult to believe!
Beyond this though, is a level of competition that mixed with the
age of colonization globally. As all countries raced to inhabit and control as
much land as possible, ‘sugar islands’ were being produced in equal measure. It
was a race between the most dominant supremacies, and no one knew who was going
to win: “…England shifted from buying modest quantities of sugar from
Mediterranean shippers… to establishing her own sugar colonies… On the one
hand, they represent an extension of empire outward, but on the other, they
mark an absorption, a kind of swallowing up, of sugar consumption as a national
habit. Like tea, sugar came to define English ‘character’.” (page 39).
With the growth of nations came marking territory; by marking
territory came the need to protect the newfound land, owned by the motherland. “Individual
entrepreneurs were encouraged to establish sugar-cane (and other) plantations
on the Atlantic islands, manned with African slaves and destined to produce
sugar for Portugal and other European markets, because their presence
safeguarded the extension of Portuguese trade routes around Africa and toward
the Orient.” (page 30).
These plantations helped start a game amongst the richer, who
could produce more? Who had the better sugar? At the time, the color of
whiteness sugar held pronounced the level of purity. Thus, everything became
part of the competition, part of the capitalist game. Such as Santo Domingo: “By
the 1530s, the island had a ‘fairly stable total’ of thirty-four mills; and by
1568, ‘plantations owning a hundred-fifty to two hundred slaves were not
uncommon. A few of the more magnificent estates possessed up to five hundred
slaves, with production figures correspondingly high.’ One interesting feature
of this development was the part played by the state and, indeed, by civil
servants, who owned, administered, bought, and sold plantations.” (page 34).
Not only was the creation of sugar important, but the sales surrounding this
economy boomed as well. What good business man would look away from such a
production??
None. Not the consumers, who were addicted just like the spread of
opium. Not the business men, who not only had estates but given an extensive
group of manpower to control. Not the royalty, who were forever competing with
fellow countries to have the upper hand. Not a single class or aspect of the
world could turn away from the sugar production. In all reality, sugar control
us, our entire race.
“From humble beginnings on the island of Barbados in the 1640s,
the British sugar industry expanded with astounding rapidity, engulfing first
that island and, soon after, Jamaica… As English sugar became price-competitive
with Portuguese sugar, England was able to drive Portugal out of the north
European trade. From the resulting monopoly came monopoly prices, however, and
then stiff competition from the French. In 1660, sugar was enumerated (and
taxed).
In 1660, England consumed 1,000 hogsheads of sugar and exported
2,000... and by 1753, when England imported 110,000 hogsheads, she re-exported
only 6,000.” (page 39).
It’s human nature that drives competition and between the people
of power, the stakes only became higher, especially when “England fought the
most, conquered the most colonies, imported the most slaves… and went furthest
and fastest in creating a plantation system. The most important product of that
system was sugar.”
Sugar became apart of the system, and not just one system, EVERY
system: “But by the end of that century, sugar was outpacing tobacco in both
the British and the French West Indies; by 1700, the value of sugar reaching
England and Wales was double that of tobacco.” (page 34). But it did not stop
there; the reach of sugar expanded just as the different types of consumption
did as well: “At the consumption end,
changes were both numerous and diverse. Sugar steadily changed from being a
specialized- medicinal, condimental, ritual, or display- commodity into an ever
more common food” (pages 37-38). Because this need, this dependency, only
expanded, the sugar industry could not shy away from being characterized by
slave labor. Just as the need for slaves in America dwindled prior to the
cotton boom, slavery went hand in hand with sugar for centuries.
Thanks for a very close reading of the text and for bringing up questions around the relationship between the slavery system and capitalism. We will discuss this at more length in class but quickly here regarding the slave labor/wage labor paradox, the point that Mintz si trying to make is that slavery did not come before wage labor (as some historians may have suggested)-in other words that it was not an inevitability but a choice. Further, a broader point that he is trying to make here is that capitalism does not start with wage labor (as Marx and other political economists posited) but rather that the industrial capitalism in Europe very much relied on the slavery-based capitalism of the plantations. And finally, regarding the important point about the lack of technological advancement in he sugar industry, it reinforces the point that slavery was simply a cheaper way of making more money and hence, rather than improve the conditions of labor, plantation owners simply bought more land and put more slaves to work.
ReplyDelete